Aims and Scope FACES of WAR is a journal dedicated to armed conflicts from ancient times to the present day. It is an extension of the Oblicza Wojny series, published since 2020 by the Lodz University Press. The new periodical, FACES of WAR, is a peer-reviewed biannual journal published in English, fully available online and free of charge. This allows authors to regularly share the results of their research. A distinctive feature of FACES of WAR is its interdisciplinary approach to the issues discussed in the journal. Therefore, we accept papers from the humanities as well as from disciplines such as international relations, law, security studies, architecture, and urban planning. FACES of WAR is a journal that publishes original studies and presents diverse perspectives that inspire reflection and discussion. The biannual journal is published by the University of Lodz Press and is affiliated with the Faculty of Philosophy and History at the University of Lodz The Editorial Board accepts submissions in English.
Documents on the Efforts of Swedish Diplomacy for the Release of the “Warsaw Swedes” (1942–1945)
The publication contains ten documents from the Political Archive of the German Foreign Office in Berlin regarding Swedish citizens arrested in 1942 on charges of collaborating with the Polish underground resistance. These published sources enable the tracing of the espionage network’s activities and illustrate Swedish diplomatic efforts to secure the detainees’ release. Ultimately, the sentences imposed on the accused by the Third Reich authorities were mitigated, most likely in exchange for deliveries of ball bearings to the German army.
Copyright (c) 2026 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The Last Journey of Fallen Soldiers in Ukraine: Traditions and Legal Norms
The Russo-Ukrainian war, which has existed as a limited conflict since 2014 and acquired the character of a full-scale war since 24 February 2022, has led to numerous casualties among both civilians and military personnel. This has brought to the fore the issue of a dignified farewell on the final earthly path of soldiers who gave their lives in battle or died of wounds. In Ukraine during the specified period, informal traditions for the departure of the fallen began to materialise. A military funeral ceremony was developed and, in 2021, legislatively enshrined, which constitutes the formal component of bidding farewell to the fallen. The essence of this ceremony lies in the dignified honouring of the deceased defender, in rendering them due military honours to emphasise that the person being buried is not just anyone, but someone thanks to whom the state of Ukraine exists. This is further supported by the designation of special places for the burial of fallen soldiers, including the National Memorial Military Cemetery, solemnly opened in 2025. These aspects are continually evolving and changing, adapting to new conditions and societal demands. An example is the nationwide minute of silence introduced in March 2022, shortly after the start of the full-scale war, as a daily ritual of gratitude, respect and remembrance for the fallen. This symbolic unifying act, open to the participation of all, is intended to preserve the memory of the Russo-Ukrainian war and the cost of the common struggle for freedom and independence.
Urbanonymy as an Instrument of Commemoration and De-commemoration of the German-Soviet War in Kharkiv
The article explores the process of commemoration and de-commemoration of the Second World War events in Kharkiv. The study examines how the memory of the German-Soviet War is inscribed into Kharkiv’s toponymic landscape and analyses the transformations shaping this commemorative dimension in the present era. The scientific novelty of this publication lies in examining the emergence and consolidation of the memory of individuals and events of the Second World War, particularly its German-Soviet dimension, within the toponymic landscape during the second half of the XX century and the first quarter of the XXI century; in assessing the influence of state normative and legal acts adopted between 2015 and 2025 on the contemporary nomination of urbanonyms; and in advancing hypothesises concerning the prospective trajectories of commemorating the history of 1941–1945 through the renaming of specific toponyms. Analysing the transformations in Kharkiv’s contemporary toponymy, the author concludes the city is undergoing a reformatting of historical memory through the new nomination of urbanonyms. The current authors of state ideology, active proponents of a revised interpretation of Ukraine’s history, expect that by renaming objects within the street and road network, they will be able to reshape the commemoration of the German-Soviet War. Over time, this is anticipated to erode the respectful attitude toward that period of the country’s past in popular memory and to alter public perceptions of the veterans of that war. An examination of the de-commemoration of the German-Soviet War reveals an intensifying state involvement in the nomination of geographical names. At present, Ukraine has a series of normative legal acts that regulate the narratives to be employed in geographical naming. An analysis of commemoration and de-commemoration in Kharkiv indicates that the formation of the city’s new toponymic landscape is significantly influenced by members of the non-governmental organisation (NGO) ‘Decolonisation. Ukraine.’ This organisation seeks to contest and reframe the public memory of those who fought against the Nazis in the ranks of the Red Army during the Second World War, as well as the events that unfolded in the Kharkiv region between 1941 and 1945.
Murals of War in Kharkiv: Visual Narratives of Memory, Resistance, and Decolonisation
This article explores the phenomenon of wartime murals in Kharkiv as a form of public visual expression amid the full-scale war. The murals are analysed not only as artistic objects, but also as political, memorial and symbolic gestures that represent experiences of loss, resistance, collective memory and national self-awareness. The focus is on how murals transform urban space, alter its symbolic geography and contribute to the displacement of colonial and Soviet meanings. The author identifies three main types of murals: memorial murals (dedicated to fallen defenders, volunteers and victims of the war), resistance murals (which affirm heroism, national unity and visual protest) and decolonial murals (which reframe urban space through figures of Ukrainian culture, particularly Hryhorii Skovoroda). The study combines methods of visual analysis, theories of cultural memory (Pierre Nora, Aleida Assmann, James Young), urban studies (Andreas Huyssen, Jill Bennett), postcolonial critique (Edward Said, Achille Mbembe), and the Ukrainian experience of decommunisation. Special attention is given to specific examples of murals, their location, visual language, artistic teams and the layers of meaning formed in Kharkiv’s public space. Murals are examined as a form of counternarrative, as acts of visual resistance that mobilise the community while functioning as a living archive of the war. In conclusion, it is argued that Kharkiv’s wartime murals are not only a response to trauma, but also a mechanism for reinterpreting space, shaping a new civic identity and affirming Ukraine as a subject of history resisting both physical and symbolic aggression.
Eternal Battle — the Memory of Conflict in Belfast Murals
The murals present in the urban space of Belfast are one of the most distinctive forms of expression of the beliefs of Northern Ireland loyalists. Their symbolism and depictions of historical events that create a coherent imagery not only produce a network of associations and symbols, but they also contribute to maintaining the group’s distinctive identity. This article provides a detailed analysis of murals themselves as a medium, as well as that of the motifs appearing on those of them which still exist within city’s landscape. The heraldic and vexillological symbols discussed are placed within the broader context of loyalist ideology and worldview. The role of paramilitary organisations in the creation of the system of symbols present in the cityscape is being examined. Recurring depictions of historical events on the city walls are being discussed within the broader context of the narrative of the past favoured by loyalists in Northern Ireland. Loyalist art constructed the image of reality in this way. The role of memory of the past in creating the contemporary social imaginary plays a special role in this discussion. These reflections, which align with the research on national myths, lead to conclusions regarding the role played by memory politics and historical narratives in creating a sense of religious, ethnic and political distinctiveness. This analysis is particularly relevant in the context of the changes that have been taking place in Northern Irish society in recent decades, including those related to the Brexit process.
The School Image of The Spanish Civil War and the Second World War as an Instrument for Collective Memory Manipulation
This article compares the school image of the wartime past (the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War), created during the transformative early postwar phase of Francoism in Spain and Communism in Poland. Demonstrating the political usefulness of the narratives on war was crucial to the consolidation of both regimes. Legitimisation of the new regime called for emphasising the war effort, not only in defeating the enemy but also in its struggle for social issues. For school-taught history, the early years of both dictatorships marked a period of breaking with prewar educational concepts, introducing and testing new ‘revolutionary’ pedagogical solutions. This article not only explains the aspirations of political rulers to rebuild the students’ memory but also contributes to our understanding of the textbook authors’ perception of the recent past. It analyses the meanings of terms specific to mythical stories, such as nation, power, heroes and their deeds, or wartime struggle. The initial phase of People’s Poland and Franco’s Spain was thus a period of ‘identity formation’. Those in power sought to create a homogeneous ‘imagined community’ with the leading party, where the right to rule was legitimised by the victory in the recent war. One of the tools used was the manipulation of the collective memory of the students. The following cross-national study of Spanish and Polish teaching materials, which employs the analysis of over 90 primary sources in the form of History and Civics textbooks, seeks to elucidate the similarities and differences in the pursuit of educational politics in the two Cold War enemy camps. Comparative studies enable the discernment of phenomena that may not be readily apparent in the context of a single country’s research. This study seeks to establish which narratives were used to mark the textual boundaries of war heroes’ behaviour that should have served as a moral compass for students in their epistemological orientation in the ‘new world’. Questions are posed concerning which discursive strategies were used in the early stages of both dictatorships to memorise the path to victory. This analysis seeks to establish whether, and how, the textbook narratives differed and whether they abounded in arguments that were universal for the consolidation of totalitarian power. The conclusion summarises the usefulness of studying narratives concerning both wars when examining collective memory and group identity.
The Partisan Trace in the Koriukivka Tragedy (16 January – 11 March 1943)
This study examines the concealment of information regarding the Nazi genocide of the civilian population in the town of Koriukivka in March 1943 by the leadership of guerrilla units led by Fedorov and Popudrenko, based on an analysis of archival documents. The article explores the possible motives that may have guided the partisan leaders in deliberately suppressing the true causes and circumstances of the Koriukivka tragedy. The tactic of ‘sweeping one’s tracks’ by the so-called people’s avengers, including the concealment of their own culpability, became a defining feature of the Soviet side’s efforts to avoid potential retaliation. Particular attention is given to several obscure yet revealing episodes in the lives of the main figures involved—Dmitriy Rvanov, Nicholas Popudrenko, and Alexei Fyodorov. It is suggested that the tragic death of N. Popudrenko, as well as the tacit justification (and perhaps even exaltation) of A. Fyodorov by the Soviet leadership, may be directly connected to the events that unfolded in Koriukivka village, Chernihiv region, in late February to early March 1943. The author concludes that the guerrillas’ inactivity and their silence regarding their own responsibility necessitate a critical reassessment and symbolic ‘dethronement’ of the partisan leaders, despite their contributions to the struggle against the Nazi invaders during the Second World War.
Investigation of Mass Graves from the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 near Hradec Králové
The most important battles of the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 took place on the battlefields in today’s Czech Republic. The war was significant for the formation of present-day Europe and ranks among the largest conflicts of the 19th century in terms of its extent. Many modern elements were used in combat during the war, but soldiers fighting in battles often died without help on the battlefields and were also buried there. Today, their graves are marked by more than a thousand monuments. Many unmarked graves are at risk due to the construction of local roads, but they are being rescued and archaeologically examined. In 2024, the route of one of the motorways leading through the territory of East Bohemia was archaeologically investigated, thanks to which dozens of remains of soldiers who fell on the battlefield near Hradec Králové (Königgrätz) were uncovered and examined. Therefore, based on archaeological and anthropological research, completely new knowledge can be revealed as to the form of the war graves and the way they were created shortly after the battle. The discovered graves will be the subject of further future research, as this is a completely unique example of their extensive exposure. The significance of these graves are presented in this article in advance of all the completed analysis. The remains will later rest in a newly built ossuary.
The Memory of the Mongol Invasion of the Hungarian Kingdom in the 13th Century among Contemporaries
Between 1240 and 1242, a large Mongol invasion struck Central Europe, including the Hungarian Kingdom. This first invasion had a serious impact on the entire region, both militarily and politically, as well as psychologically. Contemporary memory attempted to process the topic and the psychological shock caused by the attack in various ways. The following article reviews how this Mongol campaign was reflected in 13th-century Hungarian memory and perception of time. The study examines contemporary literary works (a poem written during the Mongol invasion and a personal memoir written a few years later), the terminology used by the royal chancellery in documents issued in the 1240s and 1250s, contemporary references to the Mongol invasion as divine punishment, and the characteristic feature of the contemporary perception of time, whereby events unrelated to the invasion were often dated as ’before the Mongol invasion’ or ’after the Mongol invasion.’ This view of time was not only prevalent among the upper classes of society but also among the common people, and even among those who, due to their age, had no personal experience of the Mongol invasion. It can be showed that the experience of the Mongol invasion extended beyond its actual boundaries not only in space but also in time and served as a point of reference even for those who had only experienced it as children or not at all, but who were influenced by it as a kind of ’post-memory’ through the transmission of information from the older generation.
The Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212) in the Memory of the Christian West: Propaganda, Historiography, and Iconography of Victory
This article examines the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212) not primarily as a military event, but as a dynamic construct of collective memory within the Christian West. Drawing on a wide range of Latin and Iberian sources — including papal correspondence, Cistercian narratives, and Castilian historiography — it analyses how the victory was interpreted, transmitted, and reconfigured across different ideological and cultural contexts. Particular attention is given to the contrasting perspectives of the papacy, which framed the battle as a universal crusading triumph, and Iberian authors such as Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, who emphasised the autonomy and providential role of the Spanish kingdoms. The study further explores the processes of sacralisation and political appropriation of the victory, including its incorporation into royal memory, chancery practices, and symbolic culture. It also considers the role of material and visual media — such as war trophies, monastic foundations, heraldry, and iconography — in shaping and perpetuating the memory of the battle. Finally, the article traces the gradual transformation of crusading ideology in 13th and 14th century Castile, where it was increasingly absorbed into the local narrative of the Reconquista and used to legitimise monarchical authority and construct political identity. By situating the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa within the broader framework of memory studies, the article demonstrates how medieval societies actively reinterpreted historical events to serve evolving religious, political, and cultural needs.
Hungarian Mercenaries in Italy in the 14th Century: An Analysis of a Mercenary Contract of 1361
Hungarian mercenaries began to operate in Italy in the 1340s. The reason for their appearance in the Kingdom of Naples was the planned dynastic link between the Neopolitan and the Hungarian branches of the Angevin family. Hungarian warriors arrived in Italy in greater numbers during the campaigns of King Louis I, who intended to occupy the Neopolitan kingdom for himself after the assassination of his younger brother, Andrew, by accomplices of his wife, Joan of Naples. After the failure of these campaigns, a considerable number of Hungarian warriors stayed in Italy and undertook mercenary service there. This study seeks to analyse a mercenary contract surviving from 1361, which was concluded by the king and queen of Naples and the mercenary company called Magna Societas Ungarorum. The text provides us with an excellent insight into the conditions under which these warriors fought and the expectations on behalf of the contracting parties. It also allows us to conclude to what extent the points of the agreement could be put into practice.
Copyright (c) 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The Bored Cossack: The Way of a Ukrainian Warrior
The article examines Ukrainian folk paintings of Cossack Mamai as the most complete visual archetype of the Cossack, a professional warrior of the Early Modern period. It argues that Mamai’s static posture and melancholic expression should not be interpreted solely as reflection or sadness, but primarily as a state of boredom, understood in the philosophical sense developed by Martin Heidegger. This boredom emerges from the Cossack’s relationship with time, the steppe landscape, and a psychotype shaped by warfare, isolation, and environmental monotony. An iconographic analysis of key elements (the tree, horse, weapons, bandura, and utensils) shows Mamai as a wealthy, mobile warrior immobilised by enforced rest. The figure is interpreted as one of existential suspension: bored, waiting, aware of purpose yet unable to realise it. In this reading, Mamai becomes a symbol of Ukrainian mentality and of a long-term historical search for identity and meaning.
The Concept of Occidentalism by Dmytro Dontsov as a Methodological Basis for Analysing the Contemporary Russia-Ukraine War
The concept of Occidentalism developed by Dmytro Dontsov serves as a significant analytical tool for understanding the Russia-Ukraine war (2014–2025), viewed as a confrontation between two fundamentally different civilisational models. His methodology incorporates four key components that establish a unified foundation for analysing this conflict, not only as a geopolitical struggle but also as a deeply rooted historical and cultural dichotomy. This article presents a comprehensive analysis of Dontsov’s works on Occidentalism, covering cultural-historical aspects, a critical deconstruction of Russian narratives, a dialectical interpretation of existential confrontation, and an examination of global processes. This approach not only reveals deep civilisational contradictions but also provides an opportunity to assess the prospects for forming a stable international order in the region. Dontsov viewed Ukraine’s historical mission as a crucial factor in European security. His concept holds dual significance: first, it reaffirms Ukraine’s historical role as a buffer between different civilisational models, and second, it stimulates integration processes, fostering new alliances and partnerships in response to external threats. The article highlights that the prolonged Occidental confrontation with Russia remains a struggle for sovereignty and national identity. Modern international coalitions opposing Russian aggression, when analysed through the prism of Dontsov’s Occidentalism, demonstrate both historical experience and the potential for establishing new alliances that ensure Ukraine’s security and independence. Dontsov’s Occidentalist concept continues to be relevant to understanding modern geopolitics.
Those Who Must Not Be Remembered: The Romanian Germanophiles and Their Historiographical Posterity
In the aftermath of the Great War, following the victory of the Entente and the fulfilment of the national ideal, the former internal enemy — represented by all those who had sided with the Central Powers — was gradually erased from the Romanian public space and social memory, after initially serving as the scapegoat for almost all the misfortunes and shortcomings of those difficult years. Blamed and demonised for their opinions expressed before and after Romania’s entry into the war, the intellectuals, politicians, journalists, and business owners generally known as ‘Germanophiles’ had to suffer the consequences for having chosen the wrong side in the war. Seen and despised as traitors to national interests, these Germanophiles were condemned by both public opinion and in historical writing. This text seeks to offer an overview of how Romanian historiography is understood to have dealt with this delicate issue, which emerged in the years of the Great War and had long-lasting effects.
The Influence of France on the Economic Development of the Second Polish Republic in the First Years after Regaining Independence: An Outline of the Problem
This text aims to highlight the issue of building Polish-French economic relations in the first years after Poland regained independence. For the Polish state at that time, a key concern was securing French support in the political, military, and economic spheres. For victorious France, however, economic matters were at least as important as political issues, and perhaps even more significant in relations with Poland. This was evident when the Republic of Poland was contesting the eastern territories or asserting its rights in Silesia. Primarily, the French side — particularly entrepreneurs with influence over politicians — was interested in investing capital, which consequently translated into pressure during negotiations with the Polish government. Poland did not acquiesce to all demands; nevertheless, it was keen to finalise economic agreements and conclude a trade treaty, the signing of which was made conditional upon the implementation of the political accord and the secret military convention of 1921. Another important aspect of economic relations was the exchange of goods and the principles governing such exchanges. Commercial transactions were based chiefly on preferential customs concessions granted to the French side. The negotiations culminated in the signing of the trade treaty in 1922, which stipulated numerous benefits and privileges for the French state.
Use of Panzerfaust-Type Grenade Launchers by German and Soviet Soldiers during the Fighting for Pomerania in 1945
The mass use of anti-tank grenade launchers known as Panzerfausts (armoured fists) by the German Wehrmacht in the final phase of the Second World War in Europe made them an immediately formidable weapon. Faced with dramatic shortages of fuel needed for the mobility of armoured forces, as well as tungsten as a component for the production of steel plates and ammunition, new ideas were sought for fighting tanks. Thus, the combat-proven effectiveness of shaped-charge projectiles fired from a hand-held tubular launcher was exploited, together with the ease of their production and their low unit cost compared with tanks and other armoured vehicles, which they immobilised and sometimes outright destroyed. Mass training in the handling of this weapon was undertaken, and even improvised tank-destroyer units armed only with grenade launchers and equipped with bicycles were created. The successes achieved by the Germans in defensive fighting, thanks to the use of Panzerfausts, also galvanised the opponent. In the spring of 1945, the Red Army issued an order to recover captured weapons of this type and to provide instruction on their operation. Their employment in combat, however, looked different because Soviet troops readily used grenade launchers during assaults on fortified strongpoints, especially masonry structures. A specific adaptation of the Panzerfaust to fighting in urban areas was the construction of makeshift devices for firing salvos. At the same time, Soviet engineers attempted to develop their own grenade launchers with characteristics similar to the German ones, but they achieved satisfactory results only after the war.
Building Civil Society in Wartime: Opportunities and Challenges on the Example of the Military Crisis in Ukraine in 2014‒2023
The article examines the development of diverse forms of activism within Ukrainian society and how citizens have been mobilised in response to oppressive authorities and war. Although the war has triggered a profound humanitarian and political crisis, it has simultaneously fostered an unprecedented strengthening of resilience within civil society. The first two decades following the declaration of Independence cannot be regarded as pivotal for civil society-building; however, the situation changed markedly after the events of the Euromaidan and the Revolution of Dignity. The scale of the Revolution of Dignity, together with the subsequent military actions and the sense of agency gained by citizens who catalysed far-reaching political and social change, exerted a considerable influence on those involved. As a result, some participants formed organisations that continue to operate to this day. Nevertheless, significant challenges persist in the functioning of Ukrainian civil society. These include the absence of long-term solutions to the ongoing humanitarian crisis, the discontinuity of reform processes, and the inability of the third sector to transform deeply entrenched corruption within state institutions. At present, many Ukrainian NGOs are undertaking functions that should properly fall within the remit of the state. This article therefore seeks to explore both the opportunities and the challenges facing civil society in Ukraine amid the ongoing war with Russia.
‘Our Folk Who Have (Not) Become Foreign...’: Political Loyalties in the Donbas During the War of 2014‒2024 (In Light of Oral History Sources)
The military conflict that started in the Donbas in 2014, which, in 2022, turned into a full-scale Russo-Ukrainian war, has created a specific way in which it is remembered. This article is based on more than sixty interviews with residents of the Donbas and other regions of Ukraine who fled the country in the period between 2014 and 2024. It addresses the distinctive way in which the events of 2014–2024 affected the formation and evolution of political loyalties; characterises the key factors that have influenced the circumstances of the refugees; analyses the specifics of adaptation in a new place and the practicalities of interaction with the environment; and identifies key socio-political challenges that the region may face after the war. The gathered recollections paint a complex picture of the political positioning of the Donbas populace in the context of the 2014–2024 war. Worldview attitudes formed over the years, propaganda influences from opposing sides, as well as the direct military experience of the region’s residents were crucial to the formation of different models of political loyalties. It is noteworthy that the decision to flee or to stay in the Donbas was determined by several factors, such as the physical security situation, family circumstances, opportunities for adaptation in a new place, the ability to find new accommodation and a job, fear of discrimination, political and ideological preferences, etc. Situations in which some refugees were forced to return home, to the combat zone, demonstrate a set of problems related to the lack of a consistent state policy towards this category of the population. It is emphasised that a fully representative depiction of the formation and evolution of the system of political loyalties requires that, in the future, the experiences of people who have left for Russia or Belarus and those who continue to live in the occupied territory should also be taken into account.
Keeping the Memory Alive: Ukrainian Commemoration Practices in Public Spaces Amid the War with Russia in 2025
On 24 February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, marking a dramatic escalation of the conflict that had been simmering since 2014. Russian troops advanced into Ukrainian territory from Russia, Belarus and the occupied Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea. According to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 14,200–14,400 people were killed between 14 April 2014 and 31 December 2021. Additionally, 12,500 civilians and 45,100 soldiers have been killed since the full-scale invasion, prompting efforts to commemorate those who perished in the war. This article discusses and shows images of different commemorative practices that take place in Ukraine during the ongoing war, including Independence Square in Kyiv, the Field of Mars and Saints Peter and Paul Garrison Church in Lviv and the Alley of Glory in Ivano-Frankivsk. The results show many forms of commemoration, such as the installation of national flags and cubic frames displaying banners with the faces of soldiers who died due to Russian aggression.
Incorporation of Andriy Melnyk’s OUN into the Kharkiv Environment (1941–1943)
Today, studying the spread of OUN activities, particularly those of the OUN(m), in Eastern Ukraine during the German-Soviet War is particularly relevant. This paper aims to highlight the work of the OUN(m) in Kharkiv during the Nazi occupation. Analysing the available sources and publications, it can be stated that during the German-Soviet war, the OUN(m) took the opportunity to spread their ideology in the Eastern Ukrainian lands, creating their cells among the local population. The primary tasks of the OUN(m), who arrived in Kharkiv with the Germans as part of a Sonderkommando or propaganda groups, were to infiltrate the local administration, police, and cultural and educational institutions; propagate nationalist ideas about creating an independent Ukrainian state; and organise local cells. To do this, they used both legal and illegal methods. Bohdan Konyk, Yakiv Kravchuk, and Petro Sahaidachnyi were particularly prominent in Kharkiv. The peak of OUN(m) activity in the city was October–December 1941. This was due to their proximity to the Germans and the ability to conduct their work legally. During the Nazi Occupation, the ideological views of the OUN(m) in Kharkiv were transformed to adapt to a more moderate Eastern Ukrainian version of nationalism. Nevertheless, their ideas became known to the wider Kharkiv community, influencing the vision of Ukraine’s future among local nationalists.
Overestimated Balance Sheet — the Astray of Research Without Archival Sources. In Response to Kazimierz Przeszowski
The polemic reviews the research of Kazimierz Przeszowski, which was intended as a balance sheet of previous estimates by Stanisław Płoski and Ewa Śliwińska, Adam Borkiewicz, Hanns von Krannhals, Maria Turlejska, Antoni Przygoński, Joanna Hanson, Maja Motyl and Stanisław Rutkowski, Piotr Gursztyn, Norbert Bączyk and Grzegorz Jasiński, as well as Hubert Kuberski. These estimates indicate that the number of victims of the Wola massacre ranged from 10,000 to 57,600 (even 65,000). This part can be considered a precise summary of previous studies. However, the subsequent section of the article is based on statistical research derived from postwar historians’ studies (lacking statistical data from 1938–1944), which does not allow for detailed research. The comparative analysis of mass executions in Rumbula near Riga, Babi Yar near Kyiv, and executions carried out during Operation ‘Ertnefest’ [sic! actually — Aktion ‘Erntefest’] in Distrikt Lublin is even more problematic, as the author proves that German forces in Wola were sufficient to exterminate even 65,000 people. Przeszowski demonstrated that the Wola district was estimated to have been inhabited by around 100,000 people in the summer of 1944, potential victims of mass executions. These finding, indicate the need for a new methodological approach and further archival research into the number of human losses in Wola in 1944, particularly concerning the analysis of documents preserved in the Bundesarchiv. This place provides an orientation to the number of German, Austrian and Eastern European exterminators during the two-day danse macabre in Northern County — commonly known as the Wola district.
mass executions of the civilian population
Response to the Polemic Regarding the Review of Research on Population Losses in the Wola District During the Warsaw Uprising of 1944
This response draws attention to the purpose of the original 2024 article, presents general remarks on the polemic text, and discusses the allegations concerning the review of research and the comparative study regarding: The number of victims of mass executions, the size of the German pacification forces, and the area and population of the Wola district. Finally, it addresses the relevance of the findings of the original article in light of the criticisms raised in the polemic.
After One Disaster Comes Another? Extraordinary Events and Their Lessons in the Croniche di Lucca
In the Croniche di Lucca, which covers the period of Lucca’s history from 1168 to 1424, we read about many natural disasters. We can read in detail about the lean years of 1181, 1284, 1330, 1348–1350, and 1400, and the plagues that followed, as well as the great windstorm of 1398. According to the descriptions, epidemics were almost always followed by wars or urban riots. The author of the historical work, Giovanni Sercambi (1348–1424), was not only a writer but also an active politician. He wrote down a significant part of the events he witnessed with the aim of teaching. He tried to formulate correlations both in the case of party fights and riots affecting the life of the city, as well as in the case of the aforementioned disasters. He stated that bad things are usually followed by more bad things. He usually attached social or moral consequences to the individual events, which are outstanding sources of the history of the mentality of that period. He stated that the moral implications of the disunity experienced in urban politics are famine and epidemics, which in turn can lead to riots and uprisings. The question is, what were the additional consequences of the extraordinary events for the inhabitants of the city at the time? In my presentation, I will examine the relevant entries of the chronicle, analyse the social and moral lessons written down by Sercambi, compare the chapters of the Lucca source with the relevant notes of other contemporary Tuscan historical works, and draw conclusions about the unique features.
Weapons and Wealth: Economic Effects of the Lucca’s War in Florentine Arms and Armour Production (1429–1433)
In traditional historiography, the wartime context is often judged to have had a uniformly negative impact on medieval economies. While this assessment holds in many respects, it has overlooked the specific sector of arms and armour production and trade, owing to a longstanding lack of focused study. This historiographical gap has thereby distorted our understanding of the period’s economic reality. The present research, grounded in the payment mandates preserved by the Dieci di Balìa, the Florentine war office, during the War of Lucca (1429–1433), seeks to fill that void by offering a concrete appraisal of the arms and armour economy. By examining every recorded expenditure on artillery and firearms with their accompanying gunpowder and bullets, on crossbows and the accessories required for their operation, on polearms, and on defensive armour, the study harnesses the richness and precision of archival evidence to reconstruct quantities purchased, total outlays, production locations and the identities of individual suppliers. Repeated spikes in spending correspond closely with the most intense phases of the campaign, demonstrating that demand for weaponry generated a marked, localised surge in economic activity. Notably, rural hamlets such as Montefioralle and La Trappola emerged as specialised centres for crossbow bolt manufacture, while a Florentine apothecary came to dominate the gunpowder supply. Contrary to the prevailing view that war uniformly depressed Florentine economic life, the conflict with Lucca functioned as a powerful stimulus for sectoral growth, furnishing blacksmiths, carpenters, barrel makers and arms dealers with exceptional earning opportunities. By mapping the supply chains behind every cannon, bolt and spear and by correlating expenditure peaks with the military chronology, this study demonstrates that late-medieval warfare could serve as a positive-sum catalyst, anticipating the organised armaments industries of later centuries and calling for a substantial revision of traditional narratives about the economic impact of war.
The Rise of Northern Unionism’s Influence on the Political Scene of Great Britain Against the Backdrop of Belfast’s Social and Economic Transformations During the Great War
This article examines the situation in Belfast during the First World War, considering its role as the political and economic centre of the north of Ireland. It explores whether the global conflict contributed to the city’s development or led to its stagnation, focusing on three key aspects: economic, social, and political. The economic analysis particularly highlights the state of the shipbuilding industry. The study of social conditions reveals the economic, religious, and cultural sources of divisions among Belfast’s residents and shipyard workers. Meanwhile, the discussion of the political aspect traces key transformations within the Irish unionist movement, mainly its faction closely linked to Ulster and Belfast. The article aims to outline the situation in north of Ireland during the Great War to explain the causes of the growing social divisions in the interwar period, which ultimately led to the establishment of an administratively separate Northern Ireland.
The Fate of the Brazilian Collection of the State Zoological Museum in Warsaw Before and During the Second World War (1939–1945)
Before the Second World War, the State Zoological Museum in Warsaw was a dynamically functioning research institution, characterised by its rapidly growing collections of contemporary animals for scientific, educational and exhibition purposes. The specimens were mainly collected during expeditions organised by the museum’s staff. One of the explorers was Tadeusz Chrostowski (1878–1923), an ornithologist and head of the Neotropical Birds Department of the Museum. The naturalist organised three expeditions to Brazil in 1910–1911, 1913–1915 and 1921–1923. He explored areas of the state of Paraná that were considered the least explored. Chrostowski’s last journey, known as the Polish Zoological Expedition, received the most attention in scientific and social circles. It was the leading overseas scientific expedition organised by the newly revived Polish state. In addition to Chrostowski, the research team included the entomologist Tadeusz Jaczewski (1899–1974) and the taxidermist Stanisław Borecki (1888–1968). The team aimed to study the fauna of southern and central Paraná, specifically in areas with araucaria humid forests inhabited by Polish colonies, subtropical forests, and along the rivers Ivaí, Paraná and Iguaçu. A collection of over 22,000 zoological specimens was one of the outcomes of the fieldwork. The material included many species of birds first found in the Paraná. The collection was taken to Warsaw in 1924 and was available to researchers in the museum until 1939. The Second World War was a tragic event in the history of the institution. Not only did it interrupt scientific and research activities, but it also contributed to the loss of part of the collection. Among the museum’s war losses were more than 2 million animal specimens, including more than 20,000 of Chrostowski’s specimens. The collections were destroyed, confiscated and exported and many were dispersed. Research into the history of Chrostowski’s collection aims to reconstruct and describe it, as well as to spread knowledge of the wartime losses suffered by the State Zoological Museum during the Second World War.
Representation of the Nazi Crimes in Donbass in Soviet Documentary and Fictional Cinema (1943–1950)
Soviet documentary and fiction cinema of World War II and the first postwar years created several images related to Donbas. This region had played a significant role in Soviet socio-political discourse since prewar times. The article focuses on the peculiarities of the representation of Nazi crimes in Donbas. The author analyses the main fiction and documentary films that feature episodes of crimes committed during the German occupation, describes their historical context, and characterises the degree of influence these scenes had on the population. It is noted that the subject of Nazi crimes in Donbas first appears in the visual images of the destruction of industrial and social infrastructure caused by the Nazis. The issue of the murder of the population of the occupied territories is explored in documentaries related to the central site of mass crimes — the 4–4 bis mine in Stalino (today Donetsk). Fiction cinema dedicated to the topic of the wartime Donbas is represented by the films The Unconquered (Nepokorennyye), It Happened in Donbas (Eto bylo v Donbasse), The Young Guard (Molodaya gvardiya), and A Great Life (Bol’shaya zhizn’). The key focus is on the issues of the struggle against Nazism and post-war reconstruction. The films show the torture and murder of members of the anti-Nazi Resistance movement, including juveniles, the executions of Soviet prisoners of war, the deportation of civilians to Germany, and, for the first time in Soviet cinema, a scene of a mass execution of the Jewish population. Despite several historical inconsistencies, as the films were usually based on literary works, these films were very popular among the population that survived the occupation. Both abstract and concrete images of victims of the Nazi regime evoked allusions to their suffering caused by the war and occupation. The images of the wartime Donbas are still an important source for the perspective of reflecting the historical processes of the past and for studying the system of influence on the outlook and value coordinates of the population in different historical epochs.
Ukrainian Classical Music in the Public Sphere Amid the Russo-Ukrainian War: 2022–2023
This article discusses the state of Ukrainian classical music during the first years of the full-scale Russian invasion, the understanding of which requires familiarity with the historical context and the rhetoric of post-colonial studies. The cultural confrontation between Ukraine and Russia reached its peak during this period, leading to a significant decline in the promotion and performance of Russian classical music both within Ukraine and internationally. Since 2022, a shift in the Ukrainian musical landscape—marked by the revitalisation of repertoire politics and an active process of derussification has been observed. This positive development is demonstrated in Ukraine’s opera houses and their ongoing repertory renewal: this includes Kateryna by Oleksandr Rodin (Odesa), Fearful Revenge by Ievhen Stankovych (Lviv), and Vyshyvanyi. The King of Ukraine by Alla Zahaikevych (Kharkiv). The Ukrainian opera Chornobyldorf by Roman Hryhoriv and Illia Razumetskyi is regarded as one of the best modern repertory operas. The staging of Genesis. Opera of Memory by the same authors in the Khanenko Museum (Kyiv, 2022) has become a new phenomenon in Ukrainian musical life. The Nova Opera group presented the Art of War opera by the young composer Serhii Vilka, based on a libretto by Myroslav Laiuk. Classical works by Ukrainian composers are also being reconceptualised: Lviv Opera presented an action version of Cossacks Beyond the Danube by Semen Hulak-Artemovskyi. Global interest in the works of Ukrainian classical music has increased; therefore, the online repository of works by local composers (the number of records on the Ukrainian Live Classic app platform rose from 500 to 1700, representing the creativity of more than 70 authors) has been developed. The renowned promoter of Ukrainian classical music is the Days of Ukrainian Music in Warsaw’ festival, which has been held since 1999 (founded by Roman Rewakowicz). The world tours of the Ukrainian Freedom Orchestra (initiated by the Metropolitan Opera and Polish National Opera) and the Kyiv Symphony Orchestra, whose programmes are based on Ukrainian music, occur within the framework of cultural diplomacy. In November 2022, during the United Kingdom–Ukraine Season of Culture, a festival of new and experimental music took place in Huddersfield with the participation of Ukrainian performers. The ‘Solidarity Project’ is an invitation from Ukrainian composers to collaborate with the Metropolitan Opera. However, there remains a lack of professional discussion regarding national classical music in the Ukrainian media landscape. Departments specialising in the post-colonial studies of Russian culture, in which Ukrainian culture has existed on the sidelines for a long time, are currently being established.
The Evolution of the Role of Mass Media in Wars – Media as a Tool, a Threat and a Side of the War
Released information can lead to the outbreak of war, such as ‘The Ems Telegram’. It can also cause changes in the actions of the ‘great and the small’ of this world, influence the perception of reality and lead to a reversal of events. The examples of the media’s involvement in the history of wars described in this article demonstrate its use by conflicting parties as an instrument of warfare. Furthermore, they also make it clear that the media can be a threat and even a war party. During war, it is necessary to control the media space, understand the role of the media, pay attention to their presence in war, their technological capabilities, and their power to influence audiences and developments. Skilful and planned use of the media for political and military purposes can influence the success of operations.
Regional Office for Aid to the Victims of War in Prague (1919–1938)
The killings and mutilations brought about by World War I left a significant mark on society: missing husbands and fathers, surviving war veterans, widows and orphans. The newly formed Czechoslovakia had to deal with this tragic legacy and care for the 600,000 men, women, and children affected by the war. To do this, it was necessary to strengthen the relevant public administration apparatus, as the existing social security was not prepared for such a burden. The new state could not fail where the Habsburg monarchy had already failed, ceasing to perform its basic social and economic functions for its population. The Czechoslovak Republic, consisting of several higher-level administrative-territorial units called ‘lands’ (země), began to create regional offices and authorities to provide care for disabled soldiers or men who had fallen ill as a result of military service, widows of deceased soldiers, widows of disabled veterans of the war and post-war years, as well as parents of deceased or disabled victims of the war and from the post-war years. This paper will describe the legislative framework of the authorities using the example of the Regional Office for Aid to the Victims of War in Prague, its functioning and organisation of personnel, as well as the types of cases handled by the authorities and their reception by society.
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